Moha Ennaji: Multiculturalism, Education, and Democracy: Debates and Contentions in Morocco

Historical background

Morocco was colonized by two European powers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: France and Spain. The French colonial power justified its existence by pretending that it had a mission to civilize and develop the region. But politically the real reason was that the French wanted to dominate Morocco and subjugate its population; economically the intention was to exploit the raw materials and use cheap labour in the benefit of the European market in the region by building up the minimum basic infrastructure that is necessary to protect the colonial economic interests. The main objective of colonialism was to perpetuate the political and economic dependence of the indigenous people. Concerning education and science, the kind of colonial education reserved for the local populations (whose objective was to train people for low-level jobs) and the economic policy adopted meant that indigenous people would remain dependent and under-developed in these fields.
The French colonial presence in Morocco provoked two different reactions: first, the spread of French culture, and the acculturation or alienation of the masses, and second this caused anti-colonial feelings among nationalists. The latter reaction took violent forms in the struggle for independence, and was based on religious motives and feelings which are still strong among the population. After independence, almost the opposite tendency resulted, as many young people and intellectuals seem to insist on learning French language and culture for pragmatic reasons (for the reasons of social promotion and openness to the West). Today, there is a coming back to the French schools and classes especially in urban centres (see Ennaji, 2005, Chapter 5).
During the colonial period, the French colonizers made great efforts to dissociate Moroccan society from its indigenous languages and cultures. The French endeavoured to divide the country into ethnic groups to facilitate the colonization process. This act was not arbitrarily implemented; rather, it was carefully planned because the colonizers were aware of the strong feelings of ethnic group membership in the region. The French passed the discriminatory law known as the "Berber Decree" (le dahir berbère) in 1930. This decision was, however, strongly criticized by Berberophone and Arabophone scholars, political leaders, and ordinary people, all opting for loyalty to their language and culture, national identity and territorial integrity.
Before the French colonization, an Islamic traditional system of education was prevalent. Qur’anic and religious schools, namely medersas and zawiyas (mausoleums), offered an Islamic traditional style of education. They taught mainly the Arabic language and the holy Qur’an for centuries; the University of Qarawiyyine at Fès, built in the eighth century, helped students to pursue and deepen their knowledge of Arabic and Islamic studies (see Grandguillaume, 1983, 70). Islamic philosophy and jurisprudence were taught, and religious counsels and public notaries were trained in these institutions.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the French occupation set out to systematically eradicate this culture by introducing a new language and a Western type of education. French was imposed as the official language in education and public administration. This educational system was to serve the interests of the French rulers while Classical Arabic remained restricted to the teaching of Islamic thought. The French authorities offered very limited access to education to the extent that the illiteracy rate was 94% among women and 90% among men (see Drouilh, 1948).
As a reaction to this colonial policy, which had hardly any interest in Moroccan civilization and people, religious and nationalist leaders created private Islamic schools in order to safeguard the Arab-Islamic traditions and values, and to compete with the French public schools which were destined to French people or to a few children of the Moroccan aristocracy. After World War Two, these free schools expanded rapidly and became increasingly important, given their link with Moroccan nationalism. The latter was itself based on religion, for there was a clear relation between Islam and the Moroccan nationalist movement. Later on, these schools led to the Arabization of the Moroccan system of education after independence. The late king Mohammed V encouraged the creation and support of traditional free schools throughout the country.
These schools had four major aims. First, they were meant to teach Classical Arabic as a subject and to introduce it as a language of instruction. Second, they aimed to teach Islamic thought which was nearly absent in French schools. Third, they were keen on encouraging nationalist feelings among students. Fourth, they contributed to the fight against illiteracy, which was extremely high at that time (90%), by introducing adult education which consisted mainly of evening classes for adult illiterate people.
When Morocco became independent from France, the country's leaders recognized the need to place education at the center of its socioeconomic and political future. In 1956, there were approximately 2 million children in Morocco, but only 10 percent were enrolled in elementary schools, and only 15,000 boys were enrolled in secondary education. There were no girls enrolled at the secondary level in 1956. Only 350 students were enrolled at the university level. In 1956, liberated Morocco had to develop a comprehensive education policy. First, anti-analphabetism schools (madares muharabat al umiya) were set up. Second, the nine year basic education system was developed. At the end of the 1990s, primary education received 35.5 percent of the total education budget, secondary education received 46 percent, and higher education received 18.5 percent. In 1968, these amounts were 49 percent for the elementary, 40.5 percent for the secondary, and 10.5 percent for higher education(see Damis, 1970).
After the proclamation of independence, Classical Arabic was declared the official language and French the second language. Since then, French has been used alongside Classical Arabic. The former has been adopted for purposes of modernization and development. In this respect, Aljabri (1973,45) remarks that the Moroccan elite is in full favour of keeping the essence of the educational system of the French colonization and developing it on the basis of the French model.
It is not surprising, therefore, that after independence, the nationalist leaders aimed to spread French language and culture as a means to modernize the entire population (cf. Grandguillaume, 1983). Post-independence officials endeavoured to spread French in fields like trade, administration, education, and the media. In the name of achieving modernity and preserving cultural identity, the ruling elite opted for Standard Arabic-French bilingualism in most active sectors.
Free education is provided to all children in public schools, where Classical Arabic is taught as the official language, and French as the second language. Some children attend non-compulsory, two-year preschool programs. Students begin Morocco's nine-year basic education program at age six. The basic education program consists of six years of primary school followed by three years of junior high school. The basic education program is followed by three years of general secondary or technical education leading to the baccalaureate degree.
Compulsory education was introduced in 1960. The technical track offers subjects like engineering, economics, and agricultural sciences. Vocational training courses are also offered. A second foreign language is introduced into the state curriculum in grade ten (first year of secondary school). English, however, is becoming popular in the private schools in Morocco (Clark, 2006).
Morocco is keenly aware of the critical value of education to national socioeconomic development. In 2000, 50% of the Moroccan people were illiterate. According to the 2004 census, this percentage has dropped to 40%, but illiteracy is higher among rural women.
Various reforms were adopted to bring a change in the educational system. The reformers of Moroccan education laid emphasis on the Arabic language in the curriculum. Another aim was to unify the educational system. This was done in order to curb the differences in quality and standards. Two different educational systems in Morocco have always co-existed. The first one is the Islamic model of instruction at Koranic schools, which concentrates on Islamic studies and Arabic Literature. The second is the modern model, adapted from the French type, to serve the needs of Modern Morocco. Although only a small percentage of students follow the original track, the government stresses its importance as a means of maintaining a sense of national and regional identity (Wagner and Lotfi, 1980).
Today, primary and high schools have been totally Arabized: Standard Arabic is the language of instruction for both literary and scientific subjects. In high schools, however, technical studies such as economics, mechanics, computing, and accounting are taught in French. At the university level, the basic language of instruction is French, especially for economics, management, science, and technology.
When children are enrolled in schools, they must learn one or more foreign languages, including classical Arabic, in addition to their mother tongue: Berber or Moroccan Arabic. This language barrier causes some children not to attend school. Parents who can afford it usually enroll their children in private schools where classical Arabic, French, English, and Spanish are taught. A high percentage of these private school graduates are admitted to universities.
Let us now consider the multicultural aspect of Morocco and its impact on the system of education and on the democratization process since independence.


Multiculturalism

Morocco is characterized by multiculturalism in the sense that several cultures co-habitate in the country: Islamic, Arab, Berber, French, and Spanish Cultures There are two major types of cultural trends, the conservative trend which is in favour of the Islamization of the country and of the reinforcement of Arabization in all walks of life, and the modernist trend which seeks to modernize the country through education and through the use of foreign languages mainly French and English.
Both trends attempt to resist the Westernization of Moroccan society by raising the population’s cultural and linguistic awareness. To achieve this, the use of language and religion is paramount. Arabization is employed to show language loyalty and maintenance. The fact that Arabic and Islam are closely related favours strong cultural revival
Keeping a balance between modernity and tradition depends greatly on the extent to which both Standard Arabic and Berber are successful in fulfilling all the functions associated with them, as symbols of cultural authenticity and harmony, and as a mirror and an expression of a rich linguistic and cultural tradition.
Thus, both plurality and competition characterize the linguistic and cultural context in Morocco. This competition varies along a scale of tolerance, on the one hand, and tension, on the other hand, depending on the socio-cultural situation (Ennaji, 2002).
There are few studies on the consequences and links between the Arab-Islamic and the Franco-western cultures. This multicultural situation has been created by the colonial period in Morocco which has known other contacts with foreign powers and cultures throughout history given its geographical situation: Roman, Byzantine, and Arab (Ennaji, 2005, Chapter 1).
After the colonial attempt to assimilate the society, the nationalist movement retaliated against the phenomenon of assimilation and acculturation. The most aggressive resistance came from religious institutions like Qarawiyyine University at Fès and the nationalist leaders many of whom graduated from this university like Allal Al Fassi and Mohamed Hassan Ouazzani.
The most prominent educational policy that has occurred after independence is the implementation of French-Arabic bilingual education with the aim of revitalizing and modernizing Standard Arabic, as we shall see in the following section.


Bilingual Education

The fact that the postindependence government kept French and opted for Arabic-French bilingualism in education was certainly a pragmatic choice. However, this type of bilingualism encompasses a dichotomy between Arab-Islamic culture and Western values, rather than a deliberate choice, i.e. this option is more imposed (by historical political and economic factors) than chosen. The major reforms after independence have been the omission of French of the two first years of public primary schools and the increasing of the teaching load of Arabic and the strengthening of the position of French in university, especially in science faculties. In addition, the government applied four principles in education, the generalization of schooling to all the population which led to an extension of education, the unification of education, (the same programmes have been adopted all through the country), free education to all (no tuition fees are paid), Moroccanization and Arabization of education, which implied hiring Moroccan teachers to replace foreign ones, and progressively consolidating Modern Standard Arabic as the language of education, instead of French.
This kind of bilingualism and biculturalism is the source of difficulty for learners in schools because of the different and at times conflicting roles of Arabic and French. This difficulty is translated in reality by the high rate of failure and drop outs in primary, secondary, and higher education, hence the adoption of the Arabization policy whose aim is to reduce the number of drop outs and the failure rate at school (Grandguillaume, 1983).
However, in 1973 the government decided to Arabize maths and the sciences in the primary and secondary education, to Arabize philosophy and the social sciences at all levels of education; French thus became a second language, and Arabic the language of instruction of all disciplines in primary and secondary education; However, up until now, the sciences are taught in French in higher education whereas the faculties of science, medicine, engineering, and private institutes use French as the language of instruction.
The political leaders' stand on Arabization and bilingualism has evolved since independence. While the enthusiasm for Arabization was very strong after independence, nowadays, it is rather weak as more and more intellectuals and youth are keen on teaching French to their children and on learning it in private schools.
The ambiguity and hesitation that have characterized the educational system and the language policies adopted in a way reflect the painful acculturation and alienation that a whole generation of politicians, officials, and people have suffered in the post-colonial era.
The expansion of bilingual and bicultural education to masses of pupils and students from different sociological backgrounds after independence led to their alienation and had more ramifications for education and for the social perspective. The opposite should have happened because one would have thought that the system of education normally reduces the social gap and the tension between the Arab-Islamic and the Western cultures by giving each culture its due position in society. In fact, the system of education in this case has consolidated acculturation and widened the gap between these two cultures, i.e., between tradition and modernity
Bilingual education is a political option which has a serious impact on education and the local politics, and fosters communication with the West and the rest of the world (see Fitouri, 1983). However, after decades of the implementation of the Arabization policy, the degree of mastery of French regressed; yet, the prestige of French prevails and attitudes toward it remain for the most part favourable (cf. Ennaji, 1991; Boukous, 1995; Elbiad, 1991 among others).This is due to the fact that French is still the language of scientific, technical, and business studies, whereas Arabic and Berber remain the language(s) of cultural authenticity and ethnic identity expressing intimate, emotional, and spiritual values and beliefs.
This hesitation between modernity and tradition is what characterizes post-colonial Morocco. The rise of Muslim fundamentalism and extremism in the recent years in the region testifies that conservative forces have gained momentum and cling to the Muslim tradition rather than to Western culture. Today, one can safely state that the pendulum is on the side of tradition and conservatism, i.e., on the side of Arabic, Islam, cultural identity, and authenticity (Gill, 1999).
The youth suffer from some kind of schizophrenia due to the gap and tension between modernity and tradition. Two attitudes are attested among the youth: one of total immersion in Western culture seen as the sole model and means of progress, and the second is a detached attitude vis-a-vis the Arab-Islamic culture which is considered backward (see Fitouri, 1983, 28; Ennaji 2005, Chapter 10). By contrast, the political system of postindependence has been characterized by pragmatism and an effort of modernization. Yet, this model does not lead the individual to accept change and adapt to it, as it does not carry an alternative societal project.
This ambivalence between modernity and tradition has influenced family, school, and various institutions, which explains the contradictory attitudes and instability. All this accentuates tension especially among the youth. School increases this tension which augments acculturation and the sense of insecurity. That does not mean that there is incompatibility between the two cultures, but what is needed is a favourable social and educational climate where educators are capable of decreasing this 'psychological gap’ and present the two cultures in a fair and objective manner (Fitouri, 1983, 29).
The multilcultural context in Morocco hides a class struggle, group competition, a clash of interests of the different socio-cultural categories, as well as ideological tensions. The multilingual situation itself is a mirror of a multicultural context. These tensions and conflicts reflect also the fight for power at various levels (cf. Grandguillaume, 1983).
Thus, the debate about Arabization and language policy in the region implies a larger debate on government policy, ideology, politics, religion, culture, and identity. Bilingualism as it is conceived and applied entails that Arabic is the language of the glorious past, religion, and tradition, while French is the language of modernity, secularism, and progress. (Cf. Fitouri, 1983). The fact that French is used in teaching science, technology, business and administration implies that French is the language of success "la langue de la réussite sociale" or " la langue du pain" (bread language) as Grandguillaume (ibid)puts it, i.e., the language that guarantees or allows employment.
Thus, the social selection is done on the basis of language policy; even the Arabization policy is a hidden fight for social promotion used by opposition political parties and the lower social classes in the hope that Arabization will re-establish social justice and the same opportunities for all. The dominant classes accept Arabization knowing that their own offspring will win when they join French and private schools, and the lower class children will be out of the competition.
There is also a contradiction between what is said and what is practiced, which translates an ambiguity in attitudes vis-à-vis French and Arabic. This reveals a hidden cultural conflict, that there are frustrations and fears of the future inherited from the colonial past. The historical heritage (beliefs, myths, values..) is so strong that it has a significant impact on people's attitudes to the present-day language situation. This anguish and ambiguity in attitudes are the result of an "underestimation" of Arabic and its potential functions in society, due to the ignorance of the Arab-Islamic culture, which reinforces alienation and acculturation.
Recent studies have stressed the importance of learners' attitude to the culture of the target language in second and foreign language learning. This entails that an individual who speaks a second or foreign language is also involved personally in the culture of that language. It also implies that the bilingual speaker knows both cultures and enjoys a greater experience than the monolingual speaker. Even intellectually, the bilingual's intellect is richer and has more readiness to conceptualize, and aptitude to adapt to new situations (see Peal and Lambert, 1965). Haugen (1956) dealt with bililingualism within a multidisciplinary approach. He states that cultural, sociological and psychological factors have a great weight in bilingual education.
Nevertheless, a well-balanced positive bilingualism is in my view profitable for Morocco and other Arab countries; it is even compulsory for reasons of socio-economic development. This kind of bilingualism will create an equilibrium as the language and culture of national unity and authenticity, that is Modern Standard Arabic, can be combined with an auxiliary language i.e., a second or foreign language of wider communication like French and English.
As mentioned above, Berber, considered by many as the poor parent in this linguistic ‘family’, has been marginalized by Arabization and by French-Arabic bilingual education. However, since 2001 the authorities have called for the revival of Berber language and culture. Let us see the impact of Berber on education in the following section.


Berber Education

Since the creation of the Royal Institute of the Berber Culture in 2003, the existing multilingual and multicultural dimension of Morocco has been recognized, and a new language planning, codification, and standardization policy has been launched so as to integrate this language not only into the educational system, but into the different sectors as well.
In 2000, the National Charter for Education and Training was adopted with the aim to restructure the Moroccan educational system and language policy in order to upgrade the standards. The Charter outlined the role of Berber in society and the need to introduce it in education, as well as the need to have a good command of Arabic and foreign languages.
However, it would be interesting to find out whether the type of language policy set out by the Charter is compatible with the country’s sociolinguistic and multicultural reality. Moreover, it would be of paramount importance to investigate the extent to which multilingualism and multiculturalism can be a source of conflict in language teaching and learning.
The Teaching of Berber began officially in 2003, and by 2007 nearly 300,000 students—native Arabic speakers as well as Berber speakers—were enrolled in Berber courses, according to the Ministry of Education (cf. Errihani, 2008). The payoff has been broader: The official support for Berber has helped fuel a larger revival of Berber culture and life in the kingdom, where the country's native people have long been shunned, and sometimes imprisoned, for public expressions of their heritage. Now, summer arts festivals are common-place, Berber newspapers are thriving, and a long-blocked translation of the Koran into Tamazight finally made it into print.
Of course, the transformations have been far from uniform, and there are signs that the slow pace of change is beginning to alienate Berbers from the king's initiative. Yet the story of the Berber project and the challenges it has faced from politicians, parents, and Berber natives is in many ways symbolic of the broader struggle Morocco faces as it tries to balance the competing interests of a multicultural country of over 30million (Schwartz, 2008).
Though the government initiative calls for adding a new level of Berber each year, many schools have offered only the first level for the past three years. Many still have no Berber teachers, and the Ministry of Education will not allocate money to recruit new ones—a position that many Berber people see as a sign that the Arab-dominated government has not fully accepted the initiative. Textbooks aren't always sent to rural areas, where Berber speakers are often the majority, because they do not sell as well. Other promises, such as plans to launch an all-Berber television station and develop university-level programs on Berber people, have not materialized either. As a result, many Berber activists are beginning to criticize and distance themselves from the officials’ effort. In 2005, for instance, seven of the 30 board members of IRCAM quit because of the constant pushback from the ministry.
Despite all the obstacles, Berber is no more a forgotten national dialect, but a subject in its own right in Moroccan primary schools. Different positions arise concerning its introduction in education. The attitudes range from those of Berbers advocating the promotion of Berber to Arabophones who are opposed to the idea of revitalizing it. Many disagree with the idea of having Berber as a mandatory subject in primary schools, claiming that the children will be better off learning Arabic and French and other international languages rather than Berber. They also claim that teaching them the Berber alphabet "Tifinagh" will make their task harder.
Proponents of the teaching of Berber think it is advantageous in many ways for it will motive Berber-speaking students to continue their education and facilitate their learning achievements. The teaching of Berber will also foster the standardisation and unification of the language; it will also consolidate the unity of the Moroccan people and develop democracy and citizenship (see Ennaji 2005, Chapter 5).


Conclusion

Fifty two years after independence the linguistic situation in Morocco has witnessed many changes. Although French remains important especially in higher education and in the private sector, Arabic has been consolidated through the Arabization process. English has emerged as the most popular foreign language with no colonial connotations, and Amazigh has finally been recognized as a national language and been introduced in elementary education.
The cultural and linguistic context of Morocco is characterised by the significance of Arabic as well as by the presence of Berber, French, English, and Spanish which have been co-existing for a long time despite sporadic tensions Moreover, the presence of Islam, which constitutes a fundamental cultural component side by side with Western culture, must also be taken into account, as a symbol of unity and a token of Morocco’s cultural diversity.
One of the major hurdles faced by the Moroccan system of education since independence has to do with the ambivalence and the indecisiveness of decision-makers, in addition to class, gender, and geographical gaps concerning education and illiteracy. In the planned reform, the government seeks to prioritize the poor, girls, and rural areas.
With the implementation of the new reform in education, other changes will be introduced in the areas of literacy and education to help Morocco become socially and economically developed.
In education, Berber language is being introduced slowly but surely as the result of an initiative by King Mohammed VI to integrate the country's widely spoken language, and its speakers, into the education system. The shift is part of a larger push toward pluralism and openness by the king who, since taking power in 1999, has moved away from some of the heavy-handed tactics of the old regime. He has liberalized laws affecting women (new family code), forged stronger economic ties with the West, and created a commission to examine past human-rights violations. The aim of these reforms is to develop and strengthen democracy and multicultural citizenship among Moroccans in an increasingly globalized world.
Change can be made through education. To attain quality education, the educational system must develop awareness of citizenship in schools. Integrating citizenship issues may develop critical thinking, empower students to take action for problem-solving, and develop their awareness of citizen issues and global issues (cf. Ennaji, 2004).

Multiculturalism, hence tolerance of differences, coexistence of different faiths, languages, ethnicities and variety of cultural identities can survive only in democracies. No other state system can guarantee these qualifications. In the same manner, opposition and differences of opinion can survive side by side with the majority, the dominant power only in democracies.
Living in a democratic, secular and multicultural society, gives you the obligation to respect other peoples’ liberties, ethnicities, life-styles and personal preferences and the border-line between individuals is the frontier where one should stop interfering and harassing other people’s human rights.